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Al Sharpton Is A Huge Fraudby Michael Tracey @ Vice.com
The citizens of Ferguson, Missouri, deserve better than Al Sharpton. A
world-class scumbag with criminally under-acknowledged ties to the Mafia, the
FBI, Rudy Giuliani, Nixon administration shysters, corrupt business tycoons,
and endless other seedy characters, Sharpton had the gall this week to castigate Ferguson residents for
allegedly expressing too much anger at the police over the killing of
18-year-old Mike Brown. That Sharpton is being held up as some kind of moral
exemplar, authorized to lecture people on proper behavior, is truly a sick
joke. In a sense, though, you have to admire the guy’s brazenness: Few street
preachers end up advising the president.
Al Sharpton |
Sharpton may have conceded
agreement with Senator Rand Paul last week that the militarization of local
law enforcement represents an undesirable trend, but the good reverend lagged
well behind the libertarian right in coming to the realization that equipment
from Iraq and Afghanistan could be used for problematic
purposes when transferred by the federal government to departments across
the country, free of charge.
Sharpton’s tardiness in denouncing police militarization is perhaps partly
explainable by the fact that, per his own reckoning, he literally operates as a
proxy for the Feds—namely the Obama administration. CBS's 60 Minutes
reported on this
posture as such: “He's decided not to criticize the president about anything,
even black unemployment that's twice the national rate.” Since acquiring his
own MSNBC show, Sharpton—a
former FBI informant, it was revealed in April—has regularly glommed onto
highly charged controversies (such as the killing of Trayvon
Martin) by presenting himself as a sort of de facto emissary between the
White House and the “community” he purports to represent.
Sharpton postures as a fearless critic of state violence, but one can’t
simultaneously be an honest broker about what’s going on in Ferguson—the
federal government at Obama’s direction is complicit
in extreme terror, escalation, and civil liberties infringements—while
simultaneously affirming that the chief executive of the federal government
ought to be off limits for scrutiny.
“Sharpton has a long and well-documented history of leveraging his civil
rights profile for his own benefit,” journalist Wayne Barrett, who chronicled
his travails for 37 years at the Village Voice, wrote
on the sordid occasion of Sharpton’s 2011 ascension to the 6 PM MSNBC time
slot, replacing Cenk Uygur of The Young Turks. Uygur had garnered
excellent ratings in the preceding months, so the removal seemed somewhat
puzzling—until Uygur revealed
that network executives summoned him to a cartoonishly melodramatic closed-door
meeting in which they issued a threat: Think twice before saying anything that
might upset certain unnamed “people in Washington.” Uygur didn’t do that, and
not long thereafter, he was replaced by Sharpton, a reliable peddler of
pro-administration talking points.
Sharpton now enjoys a larger audience than ever before in his long, stupid
career. In 2013, he made use of this
privilege by moderating a probing segment titled "Should President Obama
Be on Mount Rushmore?"
At times, Sharpton has certainly helped provide needed services to
traumatized, grieving, and financially despondent victims of NYPD violence. But
he has all too frequently used such endeavors to promote lies and slander,
always to the convenient effect of heightening his own stature. The 1988 Tawana
Brawley disaster
is among Sharpton’s most high-profile scams, and is cited on a regular basis by
the conservatives he purposely
enrages. During that shameful saga, Sharpton served as lead spokesman for a
batty team of NYC lawyers that claimed the Ku Klux Klan, Irish Republican Army,
and other dark forces were involved in covering up the rape of a 15-year-old
black girl. The entire story was ultimately exposed as a hoax, and
the district attorney Sharpton falsely accused of being one of the attackers successfully
sued for defamation.
Sharpton also thrust himself to the fore of Eric Garner’s police-caused
death this summer. NYPD officers threatened, surrounded, and then seized Garner
in an illegal choke hold, in broad daylight, for doing nothing more than
standing on a Staten Island sidewalk. The coroner’s office declared it a
homicide; locals were distressed. Given Sharpton’s longtime residency and
activism in the city, that he would intervene after such an incident may seem
reasonable enough.
Well. At the Garner funeral service on July 23, which I attended, Sharpton
delivered a bombastic address. In it, he paid special attention to the
individual who recorded Garner’s fatal police altercation, which showed
incontrovertible proof of officers’ unprovoked aggression. Sharpton invited the
young man up to the altar of Bethel Baptist Church in Downtown Brooklyn and
heralded his courage—the only problem was that he kept misstating the man’s
name as “Ramsey Ortiz” instead of “Ramsey Orta," indicating just how
little attention Sharpton apparently pays to the pesky details of the causes he
inserts himself into.
At an August
22 rally on Staten Island for Garner and Mike Brown, Sharpton cautioned the
assembled crowd against formulating any systemic analysis of police misconduct
in their neighborhoods, recommending instead to focus merely on the few “bad
apples” who tarnish an otherwise valiant department. This logic is completely
fallacious, and Sharpton thus distracts from the crucial task of assessing
NYPD violence on an institutional, policy level.
Sharpton went on to warn any rally-goers who might be tempted to stir up
trouble, “Don’t
piss on my party,” then announced he’d be leaving his own event early to
depart for Washington, DC. Janaye
Ingram, executive director of National Action Network (NAN)—otherwise known as
Sharpton’s personal corporate slush fund—later declined to provide details when
I asked where exactly he had gone.
According to the veteran journalist Barrett, despite the self-anointed
“reverend” title, Sharpton has never actually administered a church. Still, he
was invited recently to stand alongside
Cardinal Timothy Dolan at a summit convened by Mayor Bill de Blasio, where the
duo discussed “healing” strategies for NYC minority communities in the
aftermath of Garner’s homicide. Dolan—another pandering,
blusterous,
hyper-partisan,
power-worshipping
clerical charlatan—has proved an awfully auspicious partner for Sharpton. Both
men live opulent lifestyles. Sharpton infamously lavished
his then girlfriend, who was also executive director of NAN, with luxury hotel
stays valued at $4,000 per night—not to mention “a Mercedes, a Caddy, a $7,000
Rolex, mink coats, David Yurman jewels, and a Trump apartment.” (Dolan has a mansion
on Madison Avenue in Manhattan.)
That someone with such an extensive record of deceit, lying, and fraud as
Sharpton now occupies a position of such prominence says a lot about the
fundamental ethical rot at the heart of elite US political culture. In all
likelihood, the people who enable Sharpton privately find him a complete moron,
but nevertheless understand his vacuous bombast is good for business. Such
people therefore offer restrained praise for Sharpton in public, appear at his
fake charitable functions, and pretend that he represents some kind of
oh-so-very important “voice.” Shortly after the Uygur-Sharpton switcharoo, Phil
Griffin, Sharpton’s boss at MSNBC, was bestowed
with the NAN “Keepers of the Dream” award. (Two years later, NAN honored
former NYPD commissioner Ray Kelly, granting him the opportunity to invoke
Martin Luther King Jr. in defense of the department’s relentless stop-and-frisk
policy.)
This duplicity goes back decades. Sharpton’s impetuous “campaign” for the
2004 Democratic presidential nomination, today largely forgotten, was regarded
at the time as such a joke that almost no black people supported him. He
finished a distant
third in the heavily black South Carolina primary, which Obama himself won
four years later by 29 points. (Sharpton also lost
two thirds of the black vote in his home state.) Demonstrating his lack of
backing among the demographic on whose behalf he claims to speak, the charade
mostly served to get Sharpton on TV, which ended up paying big dividends.
After the phony presidential effort folded—he won laughably few
delegates—Sharpton went on to enjoy a successful run as a regular Fox News
talking head. The relationship made perfect sense. His overbearing, obnoxious
persona allowed for topics with racial dimensions to be simplified into
straightforward, easily digestible narratives. Issues of police violence
already disrupt the typical partisan paradigm, because it’s not something like
Obamacare, where the two parties have a vested self-interest in endlessly
trumpeting their unchanging position one way or another. Countless Democrats
heap worshipful praise on the police at every opportunity, and often provide
them with more taxpayer-funded goodies than Republicans, but would be
embarrassed to tout those accomplishments before black audiences. As senator,
for instance, Vice President Joe Biden spearheaded
the 1994 “crime bill” that played a major role in facilitating the transferal
of military equipment from the Pentagon to podunk little police forces that
never in a million years would have legitimate use for armored vehicles or
rocket launchers. (“The Western Foothills of the State of Maine… currently face
a previously unimaginable threat from terrorist activities,” one sheriff’s
corporal recently proclaimed
in defense of his application for federal funds.)
Despite the outsize importance that black voters assign to criminal justice
issues, national Democrats have virtually ignored
the policy preferences of their surest constituency in this arena. Sharpton’s
primary function appears to be misdirecting black folks’ absolutely justifiable
fury into votes for politicians who might systematically neglect their concerns
but nonetheless pay requisite homage to “the Rev.”
Therein lies the danger of Sharpton injecting himself into situations like
Ferguson: His unwieldy rants have the effect of inflaming tensions, and not the
productive kind of tension that might eventually manifest in substantive
change. Instead, he fosters an aura of cheap partisanship, which only reduces
the likelihood that marginalized communities suffering under violent police
regimes will secure any meaningful amelioration of their hellish predicaments.
As Ferguson shows, so many matters involving race
today are in dire need of robust and honest public discussion. Sharpton
inhibits this process. He is a self-aggrandizing fraud, and though it’s true
that conservative media’s fixation on him is usually ridiculous and
condescending, it’s equally true that his current prominence is thanks to all
manner of major US political figures, including Mike
Bloomberg, Newt
Gingrich, Cory
Booker, Condoleeza
Rice, and especially Barack Obama, who adulated the bogus reverend twice
in four days a few months ago.
From the Donald
Sterling affair, to the 2004
Haiti coup d’état, to the 2000
Florida recount—Sharpton apparently feels that he has a constructive role
to play in virtually every major world controversy. But if anything is
impressive about Sharpton, it’s the sheer breadth of his hypocrisy. That so
many powerful actors are eager to countenance his bullshit really sucks, most
of all for the besieged people of Ferguson. Meanwhile, the sleazy “reverend”
keeps laughing all the way to the bank.
Now that it’s clear the main aim of National Guard
forces deployed to Ferguson by Missouri Governor Jay Nixon was not “ensuring
the safety and welfare of the citizens,” as Nixon originally claimed, but
instead to help reinforce
and fortify the already militarized local police, will Sharpton call on the
commander-in-chief to order swift redress? Seems unlikely.
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